2013-05-18T14:44:25-04:00 Vladimir Putin http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/author/index.php?author=vladimir-putin Copyright 2008, HuffingtonPost.com, Inc. HuffingtonPost Blogger Feed for Vladimir Putin Good old fashioned elbow grease. tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.1293892 2012-02-22T19:00:00-05:00 2012-04-23T05:12:01-04:00

Vladimir Putin http://www.huffingtonpost.com/vladimir-putin/
It is no surprise that some are calling for resources of global significance to be freed from the exclusive sovereignty of a single nation. This cannot happen to Russia, not even hypothetically.

In other words, we should not tempt anyone by allowing ourselves to be weak. We will, under no circumstances, surrender our strategic deterrent capability. Indeed, we will strengthen it.

We will not be able to strengthen our international position or develop our economy or our democratic institutions if we are unable to protect Russia.

We see ever new regional and local wars breaking out. We see new areas of instability and deliberately managed chaos. Determined attempts are being made to provoke such conflicts even close to Russia's and its allies' borders. The basic principles of international law are being degraded and eroded, especially in terms of international security.

Under these circumstances, Russia cannot rely on diplomatic and economic methods alone to resolve conflicts. Our country faces the task of sufficiently developing its military potential as part of a deterrence strategy. This is an indispensable condition for Russia to feel secure and for our partners to listen to our country's arguments.

We have adopted and are implementing unprecedented programmes to develop our armed forces and modernise Russia's defence industry. We will allocate around 23 trillion roubles for these purposes over the next decade. This is not a militarisation of the Russian budget, however.

Our goal should be to build a fully professional army. Servicemen must have a full package of social benefits, adequate to their enormous social responsibility.

It's clear there have been plenty of discussions over the amount and timing of this large-scale financing. The goal of creating modern armed forces and of comprehensively strengthening our defensive potential cannot be put off.

In fact, our defence centres and enterprises have missed several modernisation cycles in the last 30 years. Yet we have made great strides in reforming the army. High-readiness forces manned with contract soldiers have been formed in all strategic areas. Self-sufficient units have been created. A unit of this type carried out the peace enforcement operation in Georgia in 2008 and protected the peoples of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Our Navy has resumed its presence in strategic areas of the World Ocean, including the Mediterranean.

So what does the future have in store for us? The probability of a global war between nuclear powers is not high, because that would mean the end of civilisation. Nobody will dare launch a large-scale aggression...

High-precision long-range conventional weapons will become increasingly common. An important, if not decisive, role in determining the nature of armed conflict will be played by the military capability of a country to counter space or information related threats, especially in cyberspace.

We must also take decisive steps to strengthen our aerospace defences. We are being pushed by the policies of the US and NATO on the deployment of their antimissile system. In order to keep the global balance of forces, we either have to create our own antimissile system or, more efficiently, to ensure our capability to overcome any antimissile system and defend Russia's potential for retaliation. Russia's military and technical response to the US global antimissile shield and its European section will be effective and asymmetrical.

Similarly, the activities that the world's leading military powers have initiated around the Arctic are forcing Russia to secure our interests in that region.

Some people argue that rebuilding our military-industrial complex will saddle the economy with a heavy burden, the same burden that bankrupted the Soviet Union. I am sure this is profoundly delusionary.

The USSR collapsed due to the suppression of natural market forces in the economy and long-running disregard for the interests of the people. We cannot repeat the errors of the past.

The huge resources invested in modernising our military-industrial complex and re-equipping the Army must serve as fuel to feed the engines of modernisation in our economy, creating real growth and a situation where government expenditure funds new jobs, supports market demand and facilitates scientific research.

We will be resolute in eliminating corruption from the defence industry and the Armed Forces, ensuring that punishment for those who fall foul of the law is inevitable. Corruption in the national security sector is essentially treason.

We must rely on the very latest developments in the art of war. Falling behind means becoming vulnerable. It means putting our country and the lives of our soldiers and officers at risk.

The objective is to expand, not weaken, the country's economy and create an Army and military-industrial complex that will secure Russia's sovereignty, the respect of our foreign partners and lasting peace.

A longer version of this article appeared in the Russian newspaper Rossiiskaya Gazeta. The full English-language version is available at the prime minister's website, here.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.1223786 2012-01-23T19:00:00-05:00 2012-03-24T05:12:01-04:00

Vladimir Putin http://www.huffingtonpost.com/vladimir-putin/
We see what is happening in the world, and what serious risks are accumulating. The growth of inter-ethnic and inter-faith tensions is one of today's realities. Nationalism and religious intolerance are coming to provide an ideological base for most radical groupings and tendencies. This undermines and destroys the state and divides society. The most developed and affluent countries, which used to be proud of their tolerance, have come face-to-face with an "exacerbated ethnic issue."

Behind the "failure of the multicultural project" stands the crisis of the model of the "ethnic state" - a state which has historically been built exclusively on the basis of ethnic identity. This is a serious challenge that Europe and many other regions in the world will have to face.

Russia as an "historic state"

The situation in our case, for all the apparent similarities, is entirely different. Our ethnic and migration problems are directly related to the collapse of the USSR, and beyond that, historically, to the destruction of Greater Russia, which emerged in its original form in the 18th century.

Historically, Russia has been neither a mono-ethnic state nor a US-style "melting pot," where most people are, in some way, migrants. Russia developed over centuries as a multinational state, in which different ethnic groups have had to mingle, interact and connect with each other - in domestic and professional environments, and in society as friends.

I am convinced that the attempts to preach the idea of a "national" or monoethnic Russian state contradict our thousand-year history.

A common cultural code

The Russian experience of state development is unique. Ours is a multiethnic society; we are a united people. But when a multiethnic society is infected with the virus of nationalism, it loses its strength and stability.

The Russian people are state-builders, as evidenced by the existence of Russia. This kind of civilisational identity is based on preserving the dominance of Russian culture, although this culture is represented not only by ethnic Russians, but by all the holders of this identity, regardless of their ethnicity. It is a kind of cultural code which has been attacked ever more often over the past few years; hostile forces have been trying to break it, and yet, it has survived. It needs to be supported, strengthened and protected.

Education plays a huge role in this. First and foremost, education programmes should emphasise important subjects such as the Russian language, Russian literature and Russian history - taught, of course, within the context of the global wealth of all ethnic traditions and cultures.

There is no need for anyone living in Russia to forget their religion or ethnicity. But they should identify themselves primarily as citizens of Russia and take pride in that. No one has the right to put their ethnic or religious interests above the laws of the land. At the same time, national laws must take into account the specific characteristics of different ethnic and religious groups.

Nationalities policy and the role of strong institutions

Society's systemic problems frequently surface in the form of interethnic tensions. It should always be kept in mind that there is a direct relation between unresolved socioeconomic problems, an inequitable law enforcement system, bureaucratically entangled officials and corruption, when considering ethnic conflict.

We must be aware of the risks and threats inherent in situations likely to reach the point of ethnic conflict. And we should estimate the activity or inactivity of law enforcement or of the authorities, which have led to interethnic tensions, with the most critical approach manner, and with no regard for rank or position.

One more point of principle is that we must promote a democratic, multi-party system. Decrees are to be issued soon, which will simplify and liberalise the registration and functionality of political parties; proposals on reestablishing the popular election of regional governors are being put into practice. All these steps are necessary and to the point. But the organisation of regional parties, including in the national republics, is one thing we should think twice about. This is a direct path to separatism.

The migration problem and our integration project

Some are concerned that the creation of the Eurasian Union will lead to a surge in migration and consequently to the amplification of existing problems. I believe we must clearly outline our position.

• It is obvious that we should dramatically improve the quality of the government's migration policy.



• Domestic migration has been growing in this country; people travel to other constituent territories of the Federation or to big cities to study, to live or to work. They are full citizens of the Russian Federation.



• Third comes the strengthening of the judicial system and establishing effective law enforcement agencies.



• The value and attractiveness of education could offer migrants a strong motivation to integrate into society while low educational standards will always prompt further isolation and seclusion of migrant communities that will last much longer, even for generations.



• Finally, the fifth point is close integration across the post-Soviet space as a real alternative to uncontrolled migration.

From this perspective, the tasks we set ourselves regarding these internal issues (creating a new economy and effective employment, rebuilding professional associations, developing production capacity and social infrastructure across the country), and regarding Eurasian integration, become key instruments in bringing migration flows back to a manageable level.

We must build a model of state and a civilised society that would be equally attractive and balanced for everyone who views Russia as their motherland.

We have lived together for many centuries. Together, we were victorious in the most terrible of wars. And we will continue to exist side by side. To those who want and try to divide us, I say - in your dreams.

This is an excerpted translation of an article that originally appeared in Nezavisimaya Gazeta. The full version is here.]]>