2013-05-25T18:52:29-04:00 William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/author/index.php?author=william-hague Copyright 2008, HuffingtonPost.com, Inc. HuffingtonPost Blogger Feed for William Hague Good old fashioned elbow grease. tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.2669081 2013-02-12T19:00:00-05:00 2013-04-14T05:12:01-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
To find something that weighs in the balance against such tragedy has been an international goal for some time. So the case for an effective treaty, an arms trade treaty, that will save lives, reduce human suffering and bring consistency to the global trade in conventional arms is overwhelming. There is no more poignant reminder of this than the tragic events in Algeria last month. When terrorists are the beneficiaries of an unfettered proliferation of conventional arms they threaten the security of not just the countries where they seek refuge, but also their neighbours and the rest of the world. It is clear our endeavour is more urgent than ever. And so next month Britain will return to the United Nations determined that, after more than six years of hard work, the international community will conclude a treaty whose legacy will endure for generations to come.

In 2012 we made great progress towards this. In July, along with the majority of UN states, we supported a draft chair's Treaty agreed after intensive negotiations. But we were clear then - as we are now - that to be fully effective, a Treaty needs the widest possible participation and that we should take time to ensure this. That is why our ministers and diplomats have continued their efforts and in November secured overwhelming support for a conference to conclude an Arms Trade Treaty in 2013. 157 Member States pledged their support including the US, China and India. A treaty is now within our grasp and - together with our civil society partners - we must do everything we can to secure it.

There are still some who harbour doubts and have yet to commit fully to a treaty. My message to them is this: history will judge you harshly if you miss this moment. The treaty on the table will not stigmatise the legitimate trade in arms. Instead it will protect it, establishing global commitments on national arms export controls and a baseline for robust controls that ensure countries can defend their citizens without undermining human development.

Its shape is clear. States with little or no regulation would have to introduce legislation and develop export control mechanisms. And, despite the reservations of a few, it should require all to assess arms exports - including small arms and light weapons, ammunition and military parts and components - on the basis of criteria including respect for international humanitarian law and human rights. Where there is an unacceptable risk it should be mandatory to refuse exports.

Yet if these requirements are to be meaningful and effective, a treaty needs to apply globally and the major arms exporters of today and tomorrow must be part of it. Together the United States, Russia and China account for over 50% of the international arms trade. Our endeavour cannot succeed without them and I call on them to work with us to fulfil our moral responsibility to protect the world's most vulnerable.

Therefore, as we look towards negotiations in March, our priority must be to secure agreement on the basis of consensus. We should continue to seek to improve the current text but we must also defend what was won in July and resist unravelling hard fought agreements. Our aim must be to establish the common principles and legally binding framework that will make the world a safer place, that we can implement tirelessly and that we can strengthen in the future.

The ATT will not solve all our problems, but it offers us the chance to take a very significant step forward. A global Arms Trade Treaty that denies rogue states illegal arms will make us all more secure. It will help prevent instability and stop arms reaching terrorists. But more than this it will offer the prospect of a better future to millions who live in the shadow of conflict. This is the prize on offer in March. History will not forgive those who seek to prevent it and we will not rest until we have secured it.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.2551284 2013-01-28T08:00:16-05:00 2013-03-30T05:12:01-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
But as eight of the world's leading nations we have a responsibility to confront vast global issues as well as immediate crises. My personal priority during the UK's Presidency of the G8 this year is to secure new international action against the use of rape and sexual violence as a weapon of war.

Just as it fell to our forebears to eradicate the slave trade, tackling rape in warzones is a challenge for our generation. We have to deter perpetrators, bring people to justice for crimes, and provide long term support to survivors.

Sexual violence is abhorrent in any setting, and all countries have a responsibility to tackle it at home. But its prevalence in war makes it a foreign policy issue, not just a national concern.

From Bosnia to Somalia, Sierra Leone to the DRC, and Rwanda to Libya, sexual violence has been used to terrorise and destroy communities and coerce women and girls into sexual slavery and forced labour. Many men and boys are victims too. Tragically, this is happening in Syria today. International organisations cite rape as one of the primary reasons for the flood of refugees leaving the country.

This is violence used as a military tactic: to degrade and humiliate the victims themselves and undermine the ethnic, religious or political group to which they belong. It perpetuates divisions and fuels conflict. Survivors are left traumatised, often ill and unable to work, and shunned by society.

But if you orchestrate or commit mass rape today the chances are you will still get away with it. Only thirty convictions resulted from the tens of thousands of rapes perpetrated during the Bosnian War. Of the 14,200 cases reported in 1998 in the DRC's South Kivu province, ninety-eight percent were not pursued at all.

The international community must do better than this. We have to shatter the culture of impunity for those who commit rape and sexual violence in conflict and extend the hand of support to survivors.

The US has shown great leadership. In the crowded field of Secretary Clinton's achievements her work on women's rights is particularly inspirational. In this as in so many of the challenges of our time, Britain and the United States are natural allies.

Secretary Clinton will not be at our G8 meetings this year, and indeed I am in Washington this week to bid her farewell as Secretary of State. But her legacy will be part of the foundations we build on, and US support will be essential if we are to tackle this problem.

In May last year I announced the British government's Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative.

First, I said that we would set up a team of experts including police, lawyers, doctors, psychologists and forensic scientists, to work on evidence-gathering, investigations, prosecutions and the proper care of victims and witnesses in conflict situations. Six months later we have recruited 70 people and deployed members of the team to the Syrian border, to train local medical professionals in treating victims and preserving evidence for prosecutions. And this year we expect to deploy members of the team to Bosnia, South Sudan, Libya and the DRC, supporting the work of the UN and local NGOs and authorities. On Secretary Clinton's initiative, the United States is also training local activists, government workers, troops and others to protect the vulnerable, treat victims and help them seek redress. So there is much we can do together.

Second, our Ministers and diplomats are fanning out across the world, lobbying our G8 partners and many other nations. I will be seeking from my G8 colleagues practical commitments to help victims on the ground, and support for a new international protocol on the investigation and documentation of sexual violence in conflict.

Third, the action we secure at the G8 will be the foundation of a wider international effort. We are taking this cause to the EU, the UN Security Council, NATO, the OSCE and the Commonwealth. We hope that other nations will follow our example and increase funding for UN bodies carrying out vital work in this area, particularly the UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence.

I hope that if Foreign Ministers and world leaders around the world are prepared to speak out on this issue -- as Secretary Clinton always has done -- we can help shift the stigma away from survivors and onto the perpetrators of these crimes. I take heart from the courage of brave individuals like Congolese Doctor Denis Mukwege, who suffered an assassination attempt in October but has already returned home to continue his work with survivors. And I'm grateful for the support of those like UNHCR Envoy Angelina Jolie who has shone a light on crimes committed in Bosnia.

In the past, slave trading was seen as a problem that was much too complex to be tackled. But eventually the groundswell of public outrage and efforts from powerful countries led to its abolition. I will have that example in mind in April, when I urge our G8 partners to redouble their efforts against another scourge the world has put up with for far too long.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.1554928 2012-05-30T03:50:22-04:00 2012-07-29T05:12:04-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
The grave and regrettable reality is that rape and other forms of sexual violence have been inflicted upon women as weapons of war in battlefields the world over. In Rwanda alone, it is estimated that over 300,000 women were raped during the 100 day Genocide. In Darfur, Liberia and the DRC levels of sexual violence have been extremely high too, and horrific reports are emerging of abuses in Syria.

The human cost of these crimes was brought home to me most starkly when I met women in refugee camps in Darfur who had been raped when collecting firewood to cook for their children, and survivors of Srebrenica - the worst atrocity on European soil since the end of the Second World War.

Such crimes, especially if they are not addressed or punished, affect the victims and their families as well as their communities for years to come. This feeds anger, distrust and continuous cycles of conflict. It creates long lasting enmity between peoples, and makes it hard to bring peace. Degrading the dignity of women in such a way reduces their essential role and crucial ability to help build peace and holds back development.

It is the responsibility and duty of all states to take measures necessary to put an end to impunity and prosecute those responsible. There is a strong international consensus that more needs to be done. This has been reflected in the valiant work that the UN and its agencies numerous NGOs and frontline organisations have undertaken over the last decade. But more often than not, the perpetrators of sexual and gender based committed crime in conflict or post conflict situations still get away with it. Shockingly, they are neither held to account nor deterred.

As of today there have been only around 30 convictions for up to 50,000 rapes committed in Bosnia-Herzegovina. This kind of record sends a clear message to the past and to would-be perpetrators to be: if you commit sexual crimes in conflict you are likely to get away with it.

As a community of nations we will not succeed in preventing conflict and building sustainable peace unless we give this issue the centrality it deserves; alongside the empowerment and participation of women at every level in all societies.

Our government is determined to bring new energy and leadership to this task. We want to use Britain's influence and diplomatic capability to rally effective international action, to help find practical ways to ensure that survivors feel confident to speak out, and regain the dignity, rights, and restitution that is their due. Only a significant increase in the number of successful prosecutions will erode and eventually demolish the culture of impunity.

A key vehicle for prosecution is strengthening national and international capability to gather and preserve evidence, on a systematic basis, in a way that means such evidence is admissible in courts, and that allows victims to speak out and demonstrate the proof of their claims.

Above all, it is essential to ensure that the survivors have access to justice and are treated with dignity throughout the justice process.

We know that the problem is complex and that there is no single solution. We know that legal action to bring perpetrators to justice is only one avenue. That, however, should not discourage us. We are determined to act.

We will form a new team of UK experts to help deal with this problem by helping states, civil society and communities to build their capacity to prevent and respond to sexual and gender based violence, by increasing the ability of national governments, law enforcement agencies, judiciaries, human rights defenders and civil society to hold perpetrators to account.

We will seek to identify those countries and places at most risk of sexual and gender based violence. We want to strengthen our support for international efforts to build up a system of early warning indicators with the UN and other like-minded partners. We will draw on and seek to develop the UK's own early warning analysis to support this.

And we will use Britain's Presidency of the G8, starting on 1 January 2013, to highlight the need for stronger international action to deter and prevent sexual violence in conflict. We will use these crucial seven months before our Presidency to build real momentum around this initiative and to encourage other countries to work with us on this vital issue.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.1450562 2012-04-24T19:00:00-04:00 2012-06-24T05:12:01-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
In no area is this more relevant than the fight against climate change. Today ministers from more than 20 countries will meet in London with the goal of speeding up global progress on clean energy. I am in no doubt that we must meet this challenge, not only to safeguard the sustainability of our planet and the security of our energy, but also to ensure we are at the front of the queue when it comes to the jobs and industries of the future.

We are at the start of a global shift from a high- to a low-carbon economy. The shift will be driven by those countries that transform their own economies so as to better compete in rapidly expanding global markets.

The scale of ambition from some of our competitors is awe-inspiring. Denmark aims to generate half its electricity from wind by 2020. China is investing $1.7 trillion in the low carbon economy over five years. Germany is pursuing an unprecedented transition in energy through innovation in renewable electricity, energy efficiency and green infrastructure.

These policies are driving rapid structural change in the economies of our major partners. They are reshaping markets that are crucial, both as destinations for our exports and sources of inward investment, for the UK commercial diplomacy that has been revitalised under this government.

But the risks are growing too. We have left behind an era in which energy, food, water, and other resources have been relatively cheap and plentiful. Rising demand is carrying us into an age of higher and more volatile prices for energy, food and raw materials. Political tensions in the regions traditionally supplying the world's oil have added to the uncertainties. Climate change is amplifying these stresses, and will do so increasingly.

These risks post a serious threat to growth, through price shocks and inflation. Their political consequences could be more serious still, with some tempted to see a zero sum competition for resources between consumers and between nations. That would be an historic mistake, triggering a spiral away from the cooperation based on agreed rules that is vital for a globally exposed economy like our own, towards a much more dangerous world of fragmentation, competition and greatly enhanced risks of conflict.

A core goal of British foreign policy must be to defend the open global economy against this threat. That will require a rapid global shift towards enhanced resource productivity and energy efficiency, and lower carbon intensity. Encouraging this transition, not least working through the strengthened bilateral partnerships that we have been building especially with the emerging economies, is a top priority for our diplomatic network.

Britain can and must play a leading part in the transition through its domestic policies too. Our need for an export-led recovery and for inward investment in modern infrastructure is well known. One of the biggest drivers of that export-led recovery will be the green economy. There is unprecedented global demand for green innovation, which could provide an enormous boost to UK industry in the years to come. Thankfully, actions taken across government will mean Britain is well placed in the decades to come.

At BIS, the Green Investment Bank - first proposed by George Osborne in 2009 - is now becoming a reality, with £3 billion of public investment set to unleash £15 billion of private money.

At DECC, the Green Deal promises to be the biggest home improvement programme this country has ever seen, transforming energy efficiency - and lowering bills.

At Defra, measures to preserve and enhance biodiversity, alongside determined efforts to stimulate green growth, are putting the natural environment back at the top of government priorities.

As Foreign Secretary, when trying to persuade other countries, both advanced and developing economies, to go green, it is a huge advantage to be able to point to the example we are setting at home.

Without this green record, it is doubtful we could have achieved so much at the Durban conference last year. It is to the UK's great credit that our leadership helped persuade the major emerging economies to acknowledge that they too will have to adopt legally-binding targets for carbon emissions. We must stay the course at home if we are to maintain our influence and reach a new global agreement in 2015.

Energy security is another essential part of this mix. Our reliance on expensive and volatile fossil fuel imports is damaging to our economy, and will only get worse without concerted action. The transition will not be easy, but for the sake of our long-term security and prosperity, we must wean ourselves steadily off this resource, and turn instead to low carbon alternatives.

David Cameron's great ambition to lead the 'greenest government ever' relies heavily on a Britain that is leading the way on the world stage, pressing for determined and united global action, setting an example to other nations, cajoling those who do worse and aspiring to match those who do better. I can proudly say that the Foreign Office is leading this charge with vigour.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.1254209 2012-02-04T05:52:13-05:00 2012-04-05T05:12:01-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
This week I visited Somalia's capital. Mogadishu is a city where people until recently were surviving, not really living. As its Mayor said to me, a 20-year-old Somali has never known anything other than violence and war. The road I took from the airport to the city is flanked by derelict and bullet-ridden houses that used to be homes, and torn roads that used to lead somewhere but have been savaged by fighting.

One million people have died in those 20 years, out of an average population of nine million. More people are dependent on food aid - literally kept from starvation - than the entire population of Edinburgh, Manchester, Sheffield, Leeds and Liverpool put together. If you are born in Somalia today you can hope to live to the age of 48, roughly the same average life expectancy of people in Britain in 1880. Large areas of the country are controlled by extremists and militants. Most people live without access to justice and human rights, and Somalia has become a haven for the some of the worst criminality and terrorism in the world. Piracy has flourished and innocent British holidaymakers have been seized in neighbouring countries and surrounding waters, including Kenya and the Seychelles.

During my visit I met the President, members of Somalia civil society and the Mayor of Mogadishu. I wanted to hear their views and their view of the world. I was struck by their resilience and their desire to move on and to experience peace and some semblance of normality.

Our presence was greeted with enthusiasm, as was the visit of Andrew Mitchell, International Development Secretary, to other parts to Somalia last week. I took with me Britain's newly-appointed Ambassador to Somalia and I pledged that we will re-open an Embassy in Mogadishu as soon as local circumstances permit. We are making active preparations for this.

I left Somalia more convinced than ever that we have a responsibility to do our utmost to stem the decline of Somalia. Its people deserve a better future, and our own security requires their country to become more stable.

In three weeks' time Britain will host a Conference on Somalia in London. It will bring together 50 countries and organisations to try to agree a new international and Somalian strategy to turn around the failed state that is Somalia today.

There are two reasons why the time is right for this effort.

The first is that the African Union troops in Somalia have made some important progress, wrestling nearly all of Mogadishu from the control of insurgents, and making other security gains.

Second, the mandate of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government expire in August. This gives an opening to launch a new and broader political process embracing all Somalis, with a greater emphasis on supporting regional governance as well as stronger and more representative government from the centre.

This sense of a moment of opportunity was shared by the Somali leaders and citizens that I met, who welcomed Britain's engagement.

The London Conference will aim to agree practical steps to support a new political process, as well as assistance to Somalia's regions, funding for the African Union Mission, more effective arrangements to tackle piracy and terrorism, and increased humanitarian coordination. It will be different from previous conferences because it will put the needs of Somalis front and centre, not just our own security, and it will attempt to address the root causes of the conflict rather than just the symptoms.

Somalia's problems are extraordinarily complex and dangerous and clearly cannot be resolved by one conference. Somalis have struggled with these challenges for years, aided by many valiant aid workers, diplomats, charities and individuals. Royal Navy vessels are carrying out the fight against piracy, along with ships from 15 other nations. A huge amount of international aid has poured into the country, but only a coordinated approach of the kind we are proposing will it make it really effective for the long term.

Somalia is part of a wider problem. The international community needs to get more effective at conflict prevention and supporting weak states. This is a major emphasis in British foreign policy today. Not only are we trying to ensure that we bring our own national resources to bear in foreign policy more effectively than in the past through our National Security Council, but we are urging better coordination by the international community as a whole. Somalia may well be the hardest case of all, but there can be fewer countries in the world where an investment in peace and security is more desperately needed, or where international effort can more worthily be devoted.

By devoting diplomatic time and effort into Somalia today, we are investing in our own security and prosperity in years to come. Britain is committed to playing its part not only with the London Conference, but for the years to come.

William Hague is on Twitter at @WilliamJHague ]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2012:/theblog//3.1228543 2012-01-24T19:00:00-05:00 2012-03-25T05:12:01-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
Burma's former military regime appeared impervious to international criticism of its human rights record, unwilling to engage in meaningful dialogue with democratic and ethnic leaders or the international community.

So when President Thein Sein was sworn into office in March last year, most observers were understandably sceptical when he spoke about reform.

For much of last year, the jury was out. Watching from London and Canberra, we sensed something was afoot. We felt it was important to signal our support for the nascent reform steps of the new government. We both have visited Burma and have seen these changes at first-hand. Through visits and other signals to the government, we sought to encourage the flickering flame of reform.

At the same time, we kept our sanctions measures in place. Only real reform would deserve reciprocal measures.

Above all, we consulted Aung San Suu Kyi and responded to developments with her views high in our minds. And now we have real reason for optimism.

For at long last we now have real hope that Burma's new government might finally deliver its citizens the better future they deserve.

First, after years of political isolation Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) are re-entering politics. The NLD will contest the 48 upcoming by-elections and it was a moving moment when Aung San Suu Kyi herself confirmed that she too will stand. We welcome this, and repeat our call for these elections to be free and fair.

Second, more than 300 political prisoners have now been released, including dissidents from the 1988 generation student movement, the 2007 'Saffron Revolution', ethnic leaders and journalists.

The international community has called for this many years, and on our visits to Burma we told the Burmese authorities that it was a key test of their sincerity.

Third, Burma's authorities are taking steps to make peace with armed ethnic groups. On 12 January, the government announced a ceasefire with the Karen National Union, halting hostilities in one of the world's longest running civil conflicts.

Nobody expects a quick fix to long-standing ethnic grievances, but negotiating meaningful ceasefire agreements is an essential first step.

We call on the Burmese government to continue efforts to resolve ethnic conflicts peacefully, including in Kachin State, where fighting regrettably continues.

We also call on the Burmese government to permit full humanitarian access and to address remaining concerns about human rights.

Fourth, the Burmese government is making a start on economic reform.

An IMF team visited Burma in October and another, including senior World Bank economists, is in Burma this week.

Burma faces the huge task of reforming its whole economy. It will need to reform taxation, dismantle monopolies, reform the banking system and re-build its once-famous agricultural sector. Sound technical advice could play an important role in assisting with these considerable economic policy challenges.

Taken together, these four reforms are substantive. They give us hope that reformists within Burma's government now have the upper hand.

But Burma's reform process is just beginning. The move towards democracy warms our hearts but we must keep our heads cool at the same time.

Decades of isolation have left Burma's new government with very limited capacity to implement reform, even where political will is there. That is why it is so important that the international community reinforces the momentum for reform.

Here, as in many other areas, Australian and British foreign policies are in lock-step.

Earlier this month, Australia decided to revise its sanctions on Burma; this week, Britain and the European Union as a whole suspended travel bans for the President and key ministers. We will encourage the European Union to take further steps to ease sanctions in response to changes on the ground.

As the two largest donors to the Burmese people, Australia and the United Kingdom have made it clear we are serious about supporting reform efforts. We call on other donors to both work together and think creatively about what more they could do to assist Burma. Burma is one of the poorest countries in Asia. Yet it receives less aid per capita than any of the other 50 poorest countries in the world. Last year, for example, Burma received around US$8 aid per capita, compared with Laos and Cambodia which received US$68 and US $49 respectively. Without substantial international assistance, Burma is unlikely to be able to implement its ambitious reform agenda.

We will also continue to support Aung San Suu Kyi in her national leadership role. She embodies an unfailing belief in a better future and she carries herself with a grace and fortitude that is inspiring.

Australia and the UK are now examining further steps we can take to support the Burmese people and encourage its government to keep moving forward. There will, no doubt, be twists and turns along the reform path. Some in Burma do not see reform in their interest, and may seek to thwart it.

Real and enduring change is not assured. But the glimmers of hope that have appeared in the cracks of the repression must not be stifled. This is a historic opportunity and we stand ready to help every step of the way.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.1075026 2011-11-03T19:00:00-04:00 2012-01-03T05:12:02-05:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
More than 700 participants from 60 countries took part. We heard from citizens across the world, took questions direct from the public through the internet and the event was livestreamed and debated on social media in China, Pakistan, India and the Middle East. We covered a wide range of issues, ranging from the enormous economic and social opportunities raised by the internet and social media to the threats of cyber crime and cyber attack.

I am proud of what the conference achieved. It showed that there is a real hunger for action to ensure a safe and secure future cyberspace. It strengthened support for our view that we need international agreement about what constitutes acceptable behaviour in cyberspace. And it generated momentum - two other countries have now agreed to host conferences to take forward the agenda set out here in London: Hungary and the Republic of Korea.

The conference held messages for governments, the private sector and individuals. The message for governments was that the rapid rise of cyber crime is a growing threat to citizens around the world. Rather than just occasionally talking about this subject, we need a permanent discussion. Governments also must not treat cyberspace as if it belonged to them.

Industry, civil society and internet experts have to be part of the debate about the future of the internet. Any attempt to move forward without them will fail. Governments must also recognise that state-sponsored attacks are not in the interests of any country. Those that perpetrate such attacks must bring them under control. And any State thinking that it can resist the growing force of the tide now flowing for transparency, open information and the free exchange of ideas is bound to fail.

The message for entrepreneurs and businesses is that it is in their interests to work with governments to prevent cyber crime and the theft of intellectual property, while keeping up the flow of creative ideas and innovation that built cyberspace in the first place.

Finally, the conference held a message for members of the public. This is your debate. The internet is not separate from society, it is part of society and mirrors it. You are our allies as we work to expand opportunities and tackle threats in cyberspace, and the debate will be richer and more productive if it allows for a vast diversity of opinion and individual expression. When governments discuss this subject we are at risk of adopting wrong or dangerous conclusions, or of being out of touch and out of date the minute we sit down, so we want users of the internet to be fully involved.

We want to see a future in which everyone can have safe and reliable access to cyberspace, without fear that they will be targeted by criminals, in which are able to use new technologies to spur economic growth in developing countries, to narrow the digital divide, to give our citizens greater choice, to find new ways of addressing conflicts and to root out and prevent grotesque human rights abuses.

The London Conference will now lead to concrete action which helps us down this path. We will see intensified work to bridge the digital divide through support to the ITU/UNESCO Broadband Commission, to consider the recommendations of the UN Group of Government Experts on norms of behaviour in cyberspace and to expand support for the Budapest Convention on cyber crime. Over the next two years the conferences in Hungary and South Korea will build further on this work.

And here in Britain, as well as building up our own cyber defences, we will use our diplomatic weight to the full to win the argument for a future cyberspace which is not stifled by government control or censorship, an internet which is open and not fragmented and ghettoised, where human rights carry the same force online as they do offline, where criminals find it harder to defraud members of the public, and where States that commit cyber attacks are constrained.

We do not underestimate the difficulties ahead. There are still difficulties to be overcome. Achieving agreement about the future of cyberspace will take time. But this is one of the great challenges of our time and we need to pursue it with the same intensity as efforts to eradicate global poverty or tackle climate change. The London Conference on Cyberspace showed that the future of the internet is too important to be left to chance.

]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.920553 2011-08-07T19:00:00-04:00 2011-10-07T05:12:02-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
The upheavals across the Arab world have rightly captured attention. We welcome reforms in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco, which are encouraging. We will do our utmost to support those who are moving towards freer societies that meet the legitimate aspirations of their peoples. But these changes are fragile: both our countries are determined that the European Union can and must make a crucial contribution through a further opening of its markets to add economic dynamism and growth to political reform.

Repressive and authoritarian regimes that seek to defy the winds of change and try to stamp out the sparks of freedom using brutal methods are on the wrong side of history. President Assad's oppressive treatment of his own people has left him discredited and isolated, and brought new EU sanctions on the regime and overdue scrutiny by the United Nations Security Council. He must reform or step aside. Colonel Gaddafi's appalling abuses against his own people shocked the world. He must leave power. As members of the Contact Group we both deal with the Transitional National Council as the legitimate governing authority. We are committed to seeing a better future for all Libyans.

With all the changes that are taking place in the region one issue in particular stands in stark contrast to the potentially positive developments: the deadlock in the Middle East Peace Process. Only a genuine negotiating process and a comprehensive agreement can put this right. Britain and Germany are pushing hard for the parties to return to talks on the basis of clear parameters: The aim is clear: a negotiated two-state-solution, with a State of Israel and a sovereign, independent, democratic, contiguous and viable state of Palestine living side-by-side in peace and security. The Arab Spring should make Israelis and Palestinians redouble their efforts for peace, not resile from them.

Further afield, we see steady progress in Afghanistan. On the 5th December, Afghans and the international community will return to Bonn to mark the 10th anniversary of the 2001 conference. The original Bonn Conference set the tone for the following decade. As Afghans increasingly take responsibility for their own security, the 2011 Bonn Conference will, over and above the transition process, allow decisive steps forward in two areas: the international community's long term commitment to Afghanistan and the process towards a sustainable and inclusive political settlement.

We will not repeat the mistakes made in the past and leave Afghanistan to its own devices. The Bonn Conference will signal the international community's strong commitment to Afghanistan even after our combat forces have withdrawn. As part of this, the EU will develop a formal, long term partnership agreement with Afghanistan, outlining its commitment to Afghanistan's development beyond 2014. On the political process Bonn will be an opportunity for the Afghan Government and international partners to set out a clear vision of an inclusive political process.

Too often we find ourselves reacting to crises after they happen. We need to be doing more, consistently, to tackle the underlying causes of instability and thus prevent it. Both our countries are investing more in upstream conflict prevention: tackling the potential threats to our security before they become real, at which point they are ten times harder to address.
One of the ways we can do this is by taking decisive, lasting action to tackle climate change. This is one of the key security issues of our era. Last year's Russian wheat crop failure; floods in Pakistan and the terrible drought in East Africa are graphic reminder of the very real, human impact of climate change.

Climate security is an imperative for prosperity; for food, water and energy security; for the open global economy; and for cross-border cooperation and the rule of law. Climate security is central to the values the EU stands for and the goals that we, as Foreign Ministers, have set ourselves.

In July this year, at our initiative, we secured agreement at Foreign Affairs Council on the need for EU action on climate diplomacy. In the same week, under Germany's presidency, the UN Security Council discussed climate security, the first time in four years acknowledging that climate change may affect peace and security. It is important we build on this momentum in the run-up to the conference on climate change in Durban in November, as we push for a legally binding global deal committing countries around the world to take action on climate change.

The dramatic upheavals to Europe's south should not hide the sad fact that our continent is not immune from the threat of conflict. Most of our citizens assume that today there is lasting peace and stability in Europe. This cannot be taken for granted.

Two weeks ago, a Kosovar policeman was killed near the border with Serbia. Nearly 17 years since the end of the conflicts which marked the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the countries of the Western Balkans have made good progress towards democracy and good neighbourly relations. War crimes suspects have been delivered to face international justice, and the invitation to Croatia to join the EU shows what the region can accomplish.

But recent events in Kosovo underline that the achievements of recent years remain vulnerable to the politics of ethnic division. Serbia and Kosovo must find a diplomatic solution to their differences, in a way which respects Kosovo's borders, improves the lives of all citizens and moves both Serbia and Kosovo securely towards EU membership. If they do not, they will be throwing away a crucial opportunity for progress, at the expense of their citizens' interests.

We emphatically support the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina which Baroness Ashton is facilitating on behalf of the European Union. This Autumn, the EU will review Serbia's and Kosovo's relationship with the EU. We will examine very carefully what progress they have made by then.

Britain and Germany are pulling in the same direction on all these issues. Together we want to help realise the hopes and opportunities which people throughout the world associate with the desire for change. ]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.893950 2011-07-10T20:04:59-04:00 2011-09-09T05:12:02-04:00

William Hague http://www.huffingtonpost.com/william-hague/
The joy of the people was clear to see. After a long path from a twenty-two year civil war, to negotiations between North and South, to the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, to January's referendum which returned a 98% vote in favour of secession, they had arrived at independence. It was also a moment for remembrance and reflection: the civil war claimed hundreds of thousands of lives on both sides, and all the South Sudanese present would have lost loved ones in the conflict.

Britain will support South Sudan as it joins the community of nations, including membership of the United Nations and, we hope, the Commonwealth. As a signal of support and of active British diplomacy in Africa we are opening a new Embassy in Juba. Vital to the future success of the Republic of South Sudan will be political openness, inclusivity and respect for human rights, as well as tackling the cronyism and corruption that hamper economic growth. British diplomats and experts from the Department for International Development are already on the ground helping the new Government of South Sudan with these issues.

South Sudan faces immediate challenges. Many of the terms of its split from Sudan are not yet agreed: how to divide the wealth from the oil that lies in South Sudan but is transported through and refined in Sudan; what rights citizens of Sudan and South Sudan will have in each others' countries; how to bring about a permanent end to the violence in Abyei and Southern Kordofan.

South Sudan also faces problems within its own borders. A South Sudanese girl is more likely to die in childbirth than finish primary school. The country is larger than France but has less than 50 miles of paved roads. Much basic infrastructure and many services simply do not exist. The humanitarian situation is shocking and tens of thousands of people have been forced from their homes by fighting in the last few months alone.

But despite this I share the optimism I saw yesterday, for three reasons.

Firstly, the determination of the people of Southern Sudan themselves. Their road to independence has been a long and difficult one. The establishment of a new state gives a chance for a new relationship with their neighbours to the North. I urge the leaders of both countries to resolve their differences as soon as possible to allow all their peoples to enjoy the benefits of peace.

Secondly, the establishment of an independent South Sudan demonstrates Africa's ever-increasing ability to resolve its conflicts and build democracy. Southern independence is not a precedent for further break-ups in Africa. But the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development and the African Union have worked with the United Nations and friends of Sudan such as the UK, the US and Norway to support a political resolution to the North-South conflict.

Thirdly, Sudan has good economic prospects with its abundant mineral wealth and huge potential in agriculture and forestry. Africa as a whole has three fifths of the world's uncultivated arable land, a fifth of the world's copper and half of the world's gold. Its combined GDP is set to have more than doubled between 2008 and 2020. So the UK will focus on helping South Sudan build its private sector, boost revenues and the economy and trade with its neighbours. At the same time, we want a strong and long term relationship with the North.

We want Khartoum to be a factor for stability in a region that has seen suffered too long from conflict. We urge the Government of Sudan to bring the conflict in Darfur to an end, to cooperate with the International Criminal Court over the indictment of President Bashir, and to play a constructive role towards its new neighbour and in the region as a whole.

Britain has an ambitious foreign policy which seeks to build up our standing and influence in the world, and to support our economy. Helping South Sudan establish itself, and enshrine political and economic freedoms, human rights and the rule of law is a part of that. I was proud to represent the UK at the start of the relationship between our two countries, and, despite the challenges, we are determined to work to turn the optimism and hope I witnessed yesterday into the reality of a better future.]]>