In May 2009 within a region of Sri Lanka known as the Vanni, government forces finally routed the rebel secessionist militia known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), drawing to a close the island nation's long civil war, an internecine struggle that had claimed 100,000 lives over 26 years.
The last months of the conflict were perhaps the bloodiest of all, during which time it is alleged that terrible expedients were deployed in order to eradicate the LTTE, resulting in what the International Red Cross described at the time as an "unimaginable human catastrophe" for local civilians. The government has long maintained that it behaved honourably, while ethnic minority Tamil representatives have described the events in the Vanni (where Tamil civilians were allegedly killed en masse) as genocidal.
So what actually happened? One cannot be sure. International agencies and journalists were largely excluded from the battle zones, and the sole substantial government-ordered probe was criticised by NGOs as limited and self-exonerating. Investigations by a United Nations panel of experts and reports by human rights groups have acknowledged credible allegations of grave war crimes . The most serious of these allegations is that up to an estimated 40,000 civilian lives were lost due to indiscriminate or deliberate government shelling of hospitals and civilian safe zones by the Sri Lankan military. Journalists have documented chilling allegations that the government knew of or ordered these practices. Colombo denies these claims.
In the absence of an inquiry viewed as satisfactory by the international community, a small number of journalists have attempted to piece together available evidence and conduct their own investigations in order to reconstruct what may have taken place. The latest example of this is represented by a recently-released book written by former BBC Sri Lanka correspondent, Frances Harrison. Her work, "Still Counting the Dead" is an account of the conflict's denouement told through the testimonies of survivors, augmented by her own research. It makes for a harrowing read.
It evidently made for a harrowing write also. When I spoke to Frances she related to me the near-incredulity she felt when encountering aspects of the available record that indicate serious abuses. She explained:
"Writing this book there was something really horrifying about confronting these things, it was difficult to accept some of them, almost to believe them. So the idea that hospitals were deliberately targeted...you couldn't imagine that anyone would do that on purpose and do it, according to Human Rights Watch 35 times and on purpose...I found that almost too difficult mentally to get my head around as it is so, so shocking."
She added further that,
"you can't hit hospitals so many times in so many months and [say] its accidental...the [hospitals] whose positions were not given [GPS co-ordinates sent by doctors & international groups to Colombo] weren't hit and the government had surveillance aircraft, drones were flying all the time, there were desperate phone calls from ICRC, with doctors saying don't hit the hospital...I find it hard to attribute a motive to something so utterly wrong."
(NB: Deliberately targeting hospitals is a war crime under the Geneva Conventions, to which Sri Lanka is a signatory.)
Harrison's book contains a collection of grim facts that begin to establish an account of the events of early 2009 from a macro standpoint (referencing facts from reliable sources) complemented hauntingly by individual stories of human tragedy. It is the latter that makes it such a heart-breaking read, from the story of the teacher who suffered a "miscarriage on the beach at the climax of the war" to the young woman who alleges she was brutally raped by drunk police in cells.
While it is clear from the book that Harrison deeply empathizes with Tamil civilians and is highly critical of the conduct of government forces, it is interesting to note that she is likewise unsparingly censorious about the perceived failures of the LTTE leadership. The latter, in her view "deliberately exposed their own people to slaughter and refused to surrender, even when all was plainly lost", thus increasing the body count. She also takes aim at the UN and the international community who, she suggests, knew enough about the carnage at the time to have taken a more active role in trying to intervene.
In Still Counting the Dead, Harrison assembles a narrative that, while convincing, is necessarily limited by a lack of access to official documentation held by the government, satellite imagery collected by the United States and India (if certain wikileaks cables are to be believed) and other key materials. Access to the areas where the fighting took place is likewise still restricted, and survivors (some of whom I have spoken to myself) remain terrified about speaking out for fear of reprisals.
Nonetheless the book, and the interest it may garner, is a step in the right direction. While peace in Sri Lanka is to be welcomed, a culture of impunity cannot prevail among the nation's political and military elite given the horrific atrocities that, by all indications, probably occurred during the conflict's finale. "Still Counting the Dead" reminds us of the need to remember this tortured corner of modern history - as painful as it is to do so - and for the international community to press the Sri Lankan government for accountability over horrors that will not be extirpated from the island's soul unless the past can be faced with courage.
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http://www.scribd.com/doc/104760706/Sri-Lanka-Education-for-War-Must-Be-Transformed-Into-Education-for-Peace
The ongoing efforts by a political grouping led by one-time LTTE mouthpiece, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) to hinder the passage of the Divineguma Bill in parliament meant that in spite of Sri Lanka’s battlefield victory over terrorism separatist sentiments were strong, Rajapaksa told The Sunday Island'' - Repeal 13A without delay says Gotabhaya "Separatist sentiment still strong’’ 13 October 2012, http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=63716
“For once in a lifetime President Rajapakse spoke the truth: ‘’If I make any devolutionary concessions to the Tamils, 13A Plus, Minus, Divided or Subtracted, it will be curtains for me” - Sri Lanka: Indian Delegates go Home Empty Handed, Kumar David, 15 June 2011 - http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers46/paper4558.html
Presidential hopefuls in the past few decades have also been saying so:
L. Athulathmudali, 4 Feb 1985: ‘’Proposing a federal constitution will be political suicide."
R. Wickremasinghe, 13 May 1997: "We are a political party. Like any other political party, we will not do anything that will not get us into power, nor would we do anything when we are in power to lose power."
1. Pl let me have the link to AAAS document on this matter.
2. The government officers' figures in 2008 and 2009 show the ''disappearance'' of nearly 140,000.
If we have a figure for the number of bomb-dropping flights and the shell-firing we may get some useful insight.
3. Why did they refuse to let ICRC enter the battlezone once the stream of IDPs began to emerge on 18 May 2009? In any battle one can have an estimate of the people who cannot get up from the ground (some survivors tell how those who couldn't get off the ground tugged at their feet and clothes when they thenselves were pulling themselves with great difficulty after attacks and starvation)?
4.Does the number of deaths matter if you consider the way those emerged from the battlezone have been treated in the last 41 months?
The most nauseating is the insanity of ''humanitarian rescue'' and the ''rehabilitation, resettlement and economic development'' misinforming the UN in Geneva and New York and other cities by Sri Lankan Missions.
Hope the Missions from other countries check these against what is being reported(and not reported) in the Sri Lankan media and voiced by SriLankan civil societies.
The government attacks on media and civil societies themselves are a big issue.
Will this President ever let the country find Peace:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pzGj2hYoymo&feature=youtube_gdata
There are several such details, which Amnesty and Human Rights Watch have ignored. For instance, whereas Ms Harrison declares that ‘the Sri Lankan military indiscriminately shelled and bombed hundreds of thousands of civilians trapped in a small rebel enclave in the north of the island’, AAAS notes with regard to one source of this canard that ‘These roofless buildings were initially interpreted as possible evidence of shelling or burning. However, on-the-ground photos taken immediately after the conflict instead indicate widespread removal of rooftops, which were composed of sheet metal, for use in constructing shelters throughout the area.’
What is the reason for this deceit? I used to think that much of the nonsense came from misplaced idealism, but actual concealment of facts cannot be explained away in that fashion.
Contrast this with the protracted detention elsewhere in what is described as the War against Terrorism, or the secret renditions that are deemed totally acceptable when Western lives are in danger.
There are many terrible things in the world. But to ignore protracted suffering, and instead propagate lies and suppress evidence to the contrary, seems to me utterly evil.
The reason is that it makes clear that much of what is alleged is nonsense. For instance, the figure now cited as to possible civilian deaths, shamefully also by individuals asked by the Secretary General to advise him on accountability issues, is 40,000, used also by Ms Harrison. This sort of inflation began with the Times of London which spoke only of 20,000, and gave three different sets of reasons for this, the first two of which I was able conclusively to demolish. The final reason given was that the claim was based on satellite imagery of war graves.
Frances is perhaps the most hysterical of those currently on the warpath against Sri Lanka, but the general level of honesty of those attacking Sri Lanka is indeed shocking.
What is missing in this otherwise excellent article is the important fact that the government figure of 70,000 caught up within the war zone and the actual number given by the then government agent of that District of 430,000. The government deliberately brushed aside the number given by its own officer and insisted on just 70,000. Was it because the government wanted to starve those 430,000 and prevent medical supplies to leave them endure suffering and thereby annihilate all of them. Unless we know the answer we will never find out the motive of Sri Lankan leaders in carrying out this unnecessary war.
In context most of what has happened in the country from 1956 to date could have been avoided if only the supreme wisdom of an ex-strongman late PM Sir John Kotelawala had been agreed to by the people in the run up to the general election in 1956 that "Sinhala and Tamil be the official languages of the country". This was opposed by the late SWRD Bandaranaike's political party that Sinhala Only be the official language and he won handsomely in the south. When he later reneged and made Tamil Also as an official language he was assasinated by in a plot hatched by monks.
Much blood, misery and money had been squandered with much abandon over the past 56 years and there is still no peace nor reconciliation of the peoples involved. And no one has been held responsible. Does the UN have an answer?
Paradise Poisoned: Learning about Conflict, Terrorism and Development from Sri Lanka 's Civil Wars(2005), John Richardson, Professor of International development, American University: ‘’Paradise Poisoned is the principal product of a seventeen year project, devoted to understanding linkages between deadly conflict, terrorism and development, by viewing them through the lens of Sri Lanka's post-independence history, from 1948 through 1988.…….My vision is of a day when no citizens in today's developing nations will have to ask 'how did we come to this?' Paradise Poisoned will have achieved its purpose when that day comes.''
Thank you, Emanuel.
To resolve the 64-yr conflict, we need journalists to tell the world what is actually happening in Sri Lanka to counteract denial and misinformation by Sri Lankan Missions abroad
Sri Lanka Post-war monuments foretold unabating oppression