Ayatollah Nimr represents the Shiite stand against Wahabbism, and the Islamic bow he uses to launch tirade after tirade against the regime only makes this conflict more cogent. His words, and fate empower the path for Shiite communities in the region and beyond. However this may not be the only role he assumes.
A humanitarian disaster is unfolding in and around Northern Iraq and the international community has been too slow to respond to it. We cannot turn the clock back on that but it is vital that international efforts are ramped up. I therefore support UK participation in those efforts, and through our role in the United Nations and other organisations, we should urgently identify what more can be done.
Without justice there can be no peace in Bahrain, and that won't change as long as the UK is happy to promote and provide political cover for an illegitimate government that is inflicting untold misery on its own citizens. Only by ending the political and military support that is strengthening the regime can the UK ensure that it is promoting human rights and acting the best interests of the people of Bahrain.
Taking full advantage of the opportunity for peace in the Philippines will require a sustained effort on the part of central and local governments, by the rebel movements, as well as in civil society and the business community, over many years. Some of the factors they will need to take into account were identified at by our taxi driver last night.
When countries set out their cases for energy independence, the main reason is generally cited as the need to ease reliance on oil and gas from unfriendly places. President Barack Obama's 'All of the Above' energy strategy for example, a plan that has seen this US administration extract more fossil fuels than any other, is very much predicated on the need to lessen oil imports from Iran and Saudi Arabia.
The crisis engulfing Crimea is a grave one. Vladimir Putin's armies have cut the region off from the rest of the nation, and are insisting on an illegal referendum in order to give elusive legitimacy to a brazen act of aggression. Now is not the time for the West to take options off the table - even rather unpalatable ones.
When prime minister Miliband walks into Downing Street on 8 May 2015, he will inherit a foreign and security policy machine that needs fixing. The country can't afford to support its ambitions for world leadership; new alliances are needed with the private sector; investment is needed in systems capacity - especially technological and linguistic...
The fall of Morsi was a blow to those who wanted a stable and free Egypt, that's for certain, but there was a certain pleasure to be gained from watching the army - an institution viewed with distrust by a large number of the population for its support of Mubarak - stepping in to safeguard the future of democracy in the country. Personally, I was ecstatic, stupidly so.
While the US-Russian deal to dismantle Syria's chemical weapons is a welcome sign that diplomacy has a central part to play in this crisis, the retreat from early talk of military action also suggests a growing reluctance on the part of the US and UK to intervene directly in the Middle East. Whether this is a good or a bad thing, it is certainly something new.
The current moral argument regarding Syria is limited. The red line of chemical weapons is plotted on a wider graph of violence. Morality is relevant to the whole graph, not just the red line. For too long, innocent Syrian people have suffered greatly and lost lives at the violent hands of the regime.
I've discovered that a driving holiday in rural central France with intermittent internet access is not the best way to hear that Parliament has been imminently recalled, or the best place from which to act on the information. Result? The logistics of getting back in time have beaten me and I'll still be on the road back to the UK when Parliament meets on Thursday.