The argument trotted out by the supporters of the British model is that the British police are unique in the world because of its origin in British history, that they exist because of the 'will of the people', that they are the 'best in the world', that this is shown by the affection that the people have for them and that this is seen in the absence of weapons.
This year marks 10 years since the start of conflict in Darfur and the numbers speak for themselves. During 3,655 days of violence, hundreds of thousands have died, millions have been forced from their home and 2.7 million still rely on food aid for survival. As we approach the grim anniversary of when violence began, I visited the war-ravaged region this week to see for myself the impact British aid is having on the ground. In many ways, the fact that I am only able to blog about it after returning from Darfur because of the security threat, speaks louder than any of the words I can write.
Last week, lawyers for the police were partly successful in pushing a case concerning what has been described as the "sexual and psychological abuse of campaigners for social justice ... by undercover police officers" into a secret tribunal, from which little if any evidence of just how this was allowed to happen will emerge.
Those who post offensive messages on Twitter or Facebook are less likely to face criminal charges, under new guidelines set out by Director of Public ...
What I suggest is needed here is not a consultation on a limited and technical set of reforms to judicial review, but rather, a more widespread debate in Parliament and society more generally as to where is the appropriate balance to be drawn between Judicial Review being a proper and legitimate means of holding the executive to account, and where does it become a mechanism simply for seeking to frustrate and thwart decisions taken by ministers with which one happens to disagree.
In promoting human rights we ought to show those organizations advancing human rights respect and appreciation but not deference, hold them accountable to the values they strive to represent and protect and critically assess their efforts to do so, and encourage a more prominent place for discussion, dissent, and contestation within the human rights community and society at large about how human rights are advanced.
Asmita's husband Rajesh was buried alive in a muddy riverbank in the remote Kandhamal district of India's Odisha (Orissa) state, just over four years ago. He is not enumerated in the official death toll of the anti-Christian pogrom which began in August 2008, because police did not find his body. In fact, they did not look for it