This story is about young men (and yes, it is mostly men) who leave the forces early, rather than those who have undertaken multiple tours and spent a decent amount of time in the services. It's about those young men who already have a propensity for violence and who can't handle the discipline of the army. It's about how they are discharged and then booted out into society.
The bill, under this light, can be seen as an effective and convenient way to get rid of claims which shines scrutiny over British intelligence agencies. This will no doubt be a win for the security establishment as it will become harder for accountability and transparency to be reached amongst claims against them
It's a relief to be able to call him Joseph. And it will be a relief once he's treated just like any other Joseph. It's been said before and it will be said again: there's a Ratzinger-sized space in Rome's nearest prison cell just waiting to be filled. The former Bishop of Rome should soon become the Inmate of Rome.
The argument trotted out by the supporters of the British model is that the British police are unique in the world because of its origin in British history, that they exist because of the 'will of the people', that they are the 'best in the world', that this is shown by the affection that the people have for them and that this is seen in the absence of weapons.
This year marks 10 years since the start of conflict in Darfur and the numbers speak for themselves. During 3,655 days of violence, hundreds of thousands have died, millions have been forced from their home and 2.7 million still rely on food aid for survival. As we approach the grim anniversary of when violence began, I visited the war-ravaged region this week to see for myself the impact British aid is having on the ground. In many ways, the fact that I am only able to blog about it after returning from Darfur because of the security threat, speaks louder than any of the words I can write.