Unless there is a serious challenge, Britain is set to increasingly promote a failed model of international trade that will impoverish developing countries still further. It will also likely pursue an aid strategy that supports corporations, neo-liberal economic objectives and wider British foreign policy.
The first 100 days will be key to figuring an image of a Trump White House, parallel to the Trump Administration lineup of secretaries and advisors. The road to the four years ahead will be very new and sensitive. Many polls, analysts and critics are questioning their evaluations of these elections. Eyes are now on Trump and how he will act based on the policies he pledged.
It's been a long time since trade was such a hot button topic when talking politics. Tip O'Neill, a former Speaker of the US House of Representatives, often used to say that "all politics is local" and, to an extent, that mind-set remains true today. In one of the most politically unpredictable years in recent history, trade is being used as a catch-all scapegoat for a range of local issues.
The historical record shows us that when faced with European economic and political exclusion Britons have tried to achieve their political and economic security through overseas, primarily, transatlantic connections. When we consider recent events in Europe and Europe's near abroad, it is again to those connections that Britain is likely to turn for peace and prosperity.
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From: Mandy Gould
It is an important opportunity to send political signals about what a future UK trade policy should look like. The public will remain distrustful of trade policy whether negotiated in Brussels or Westminster until fairness and transparency is engrained. This must now be the priority for all negotiators and parliamentarians alike.
Following the UK's decision to leave the EU, one of the most important things on the agenda is the renegotiation of our trade relationships with the rest of the world. There is mounting evidence that current trade rules are a significant barrier to achieving climate change goals. Brexit provides the UK with an opportunity to change this.
Reports coming out of Brussels and Washington suggest that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, otherwise known as TTIP, has been crippled, possibly killed, by Brexit. Informed sources suggest that TTIP will be parked until Britain's Article 50 negotiations have been completed and that there is now a possibility that the deal will never be concluded.
When I recently told a colleague that I want the UK to leave the EU, she expressed considerable dismay that someone of my background - mixed-race, working class, comprehensive education - was lining up with far-right racists. Such a misguided view of the people who support Brexit does a disservice to the millions of Britons up and down the UK, who are now in a majority that understands why it is morally, politically and economically essential for Britain to leave the EU.
Some have suggested that Brexit is a patriotic cause. And to argue for the UK to remain in the EU is somehow unpatriotic. I reject that entirely. I, as Britain's Minister for the Commonwealth, believe that the patriotic thing to do is what is in our country's long term interests. And I believe these interests are best served by re-committing to the Commonwealth and to a reformed EU.
There is much at stake in Europe just now. The external environment is characterised by economic slowdown, the pressure of conflict, the refugee crisis, and the need to move rapidly to act on the Sustainable Development Goals, especially those related to climate. Urgent action is also needed to tackle the tax and transparency issues revealed by the Panama Papers. The threat of global disease epidemics is ever-present, with Ebola having been supplanted by the zika virus as the most urgent current threat. In all these arenas, the priority is coordinated action among groups of nations: another reason to put the global role of the EU high on the agenda.