David Cameron's conference address may have been a long way from that sweaty room behind the church hall, but his tone was exactly the same: Overbearing, condescending, burnished with a membrane deep veneer of sincerity. We all know the world doesn't owe us a living Dave. We've been living in it all our lives.
Many people may not have expected the Conservatives to include in their 2010 manifesto a pledge to spend 0.7% of national income on international aid....
Cameron's speech was solid, professional, and well-delivered, if a little sedate and dry. The error he made with it was designing it for a constituency of voters that he discarded, and that he does not have the tools to recapture.
Theresa Villiers' refusal to put in place the sort of comprehensive process to deal with the past, citing in part the potential cost of such an initiative, ignores the very real cost - about £30 million this year alone - of having to police ongoing division and disorder in Northern Ireland, a very real legacy of an unresolved conflict.
All governments face hard choices. Transparency International's new 'Anti-Corruption Scorecard' suggests that this Government has some particularly important choices to make on its approach to corruption.
Chris Grayling's speech on Monday at Conservative Party conference reads as if the last 40 months didn't even happen. All his talk of tougher sentencing for knife crime and clamping down on use of cautions shamelessly ignores his out of touch Government's record since the last election and their disgraceful lack of support for innocent victims of crime.
In Newham, the borough I was born and raised in, over 3,000 young people are unemployed. Across Britain, one million young people are unemployed. We have been called the lost generation, the scarred generation, the hopeless generation. We are not 'generation y', we are generation 'y is it so hard to get a job?'
This government is letting down our young people by failing to build a modern education system fit for the modern world.
Conservative strategists who assumed that the leadership question would hand them a decisive advantage at the next elections will be hoping this is a flash in the pan. Here are six reasons why they are likely to be disappointed and why Miliband now has the edge over Cameron.
Leon Trotsky, not someone I usually quote, once said that people may not be interested in politics but politics is often interested in them. British people may be wary of foreign interventions but foreign crises can profoundly affect domestic politics. The suffering that we see every day in Syria won't go away and will have to be addressed, sooner rather than later.
The Conservative Party Conference this week, as with the other two party conferences, was notable for a supreme lack of passion or insight. It seems that, faced with a world order in flux and a rapidly unravelling economic model, our political leaders really just don't know what to do. I for one would prefer it if they just told us this.
Polls continue to show that voters prefer Mr Cameron as prime minister to Mr Miliband, but that they prefer Labour over the Conservatives. That might well change before the next election in 2015, but there is little to suggest that Mr Cameron's grand vision will be sufficient to persuade more voters to back his party.
Labour are using opposition to their advantage, and members are responding to the rallying cries of those in charge. The Conservatives are sticking things out. Government is not proving easy but they seem to be taking people along with them - especially their young members, who could be the campaigning difference in 2015 between a Labour victory and a Labour defeat.
In his conference speech, David Cameron fired the starting gun in the race to win over the aspirational, striving classes. To be the 'aspiration nation' and win a majority at the next election the Conservatives must ensure that they focus this message on those that want to get on, but can't.
It would be sad to see hundreds of years of employment law progress being swapped for £2,000 worth of shares which can be bought back on dismissal 'at a reasonable price'.
The UK government should be asking itself whether it is right to continue protecting the City's gilded elite, whilst putting itself on the wrong side of public opinion.