We won't win 2020 through speeches or dinners in Westminster, we'll win in the sports halls and living rooms, offices and canteens, working men's clubs and school gates across the country. And I want this debate - about our party, our country - to be as wide and as engaging as possible. That means as many people as possible involved in the leadership election, not just a closed down or polarised contest... This is a real turning point for the Labour Party and the country - a do or die moment. No one should be giving up on a Labour Government in 2020. I'm determined we can win again. And this leadership election - focused on the future - must be the start of making that happen.
The anti-abortion movement in Britain has largely failed. The public is pro-choice, and indeed favours a more woman-centred framework than the 1967 Abortion Act currently allows. Every parliamentary attempt in recent years to restrict access to abortion has been defeated. All should be well. But the new government has many members who voted in favour of these defeated restrictions. Indeed, their voting records suggest this is the most anti-abortion government in living memory. So what will this mean for women in the next five years?
Probably the hardest hit by the failure to replace Right to Buy homes is the heart of the Northern Powerhouse itself, Greater Manchester, and the conurbation's experience should set off screaming alarm bells about what may happen under the new scheme. Some 863 social rented homes have been sold in Greater Manchester since 2012, when the promise of one-for-one replacements was first made. Yet of those only two have been replaced: two connected semis on a cul-de-sac in a Wigan suburb. To put it bluntly, the government has tried to squeeze too much out of too small an amount of money...
It is surprising that the campaign featured such little discussion of foreign policy matters. The usual domestic concerns predominated, and that is no surprise, but beyond a few token remarks about the need to reform the European Union, and the low-wattage flickering of a small debate about the possibility of an EU referendum, there was depressingly little said about anything outside of the British Isles.
David Cameron's campaign to renegotiate the terms of Britain's membership of the European Union has not got off to a good start. He admitted that his first foray with fellow EU leaders, on the margins of the Eastern neighbourhood summit at Riga last week, was not met with "a wall of love" (whatever that may be).
Having barely scraped back into Downing Street after fighting one of the dirtiest election campaigns in British political history, the Cameron cabinet is now putting the final touches on a Queen's speech that is likely to unveil one of the most radical - and dangerous - agendas that any government has sought to push through in decades. Now that the Tories are off the leash, the rights we take for granted every day - rights to privacy and free speech included - are under threat. Repealing the Human Rights Act and threatening to withdraw from the ECHR could well be nothing more than a warm-up act.
These plans do nothing but illustrate the government's lack of compassion, lack of perspective and ultimately their lack of will to genuinely address the economic anxieties of the people of Britain... This is a victory only for ignorance - a victory of rhetoric over logic, of posturing over compassion. It is a victory for those who seek to demonise immigrants, who seek to pull up Britain's drawbridge and banish diversity from our society.
Opponents of Europe and defenders of the status quo alike will seek to keep this issue out of the hands of young people. But if this referendum is to truly settle the question of Europe for our generation, they must be enfranchised.
It may be a surprise for you to hear a Conservative saying this, but I want to unionise London. I want us to join forces to become the biggest spending force in the United Kingdom and us it drive down the prices that are crippling our citizens.
I agreed that having spent the previous few months spent photographing migrants in Calais I was an unlikely candidate to be asking to document the UK Independence Party and their leader Nigel Farage's 2015 election campaign, but it felt important to me to try and understand their point of view. One way or another they said yes. We all regretted it pretty quickly, but by then my limpet-like qualities had started to exert themselves; I might very well drown on the way but I was clinging on until 8 May.
Middle-aged, white and male. The 'most diverse Parliament ever' is beginning to undermine this stereotype of politicians, but can the same be said of the new government?
It is easy to be cynical about the Northern Powerhouse. Critics have already labelled it as tokenism, or an afterthought from the Conservative Party to appease concerns that it does not think beyond its traditional strongholds. But it is more than that. Furthermore, criticising the vision before it has even got off the ground is actually counter-productive in the long run.
Irish citizens now have a chance, though, to move beyond a politics of disgust and shame toward a politics of love. I hope we will overwhelmingly do so by voting Yes on Friday.
The radical liberal tradition, and the role it played in the founding of the Labour Party, provides a rich source of inspiration for reconnecting with the majority of the British people whose contemporary values echo its deeply democratic, anti-elitist and socially progressive spirit.
The fight, however, is not yet over: we now need to get the support of a majority of the EU's 28 Member States before this important piece of legislation can be enacted. I hope that our own UK government will find itself on the principled side of this argument.
For the Green Party the maths is simple. Our more than 1.1million votes would, under a proportional system, have delivered 24 seats. Instead we got just one - the return of the brilliant MP for Brighton Pavilion, Caroline Lucas. In a multiparty democracy first-past-the-post, a failed system for decades, is clearly comprehensively out of date.
This week Sajid Javid announced new measures to support entrepreneurs and job creation in his first speech as Business Secretary. Cutting red tape by £10billion would make an almighty impact on the growth of small businesses and I hope this rhetoric has lit the flame for a future all-encompassing entrepreneurial Britain. This is the start of a very exciting journey for us all.
Today I am entering the race to be Labour's deputy leader because I believe I can help us to recover, rebuild and win in 2020... Over the course of this campaign I will travel the country to listen to the people who did the hard graft in this election. We need a root and branch review - not of our navels - but of the practical things we need to do to make our party stronger. I'm not standing in this election to be a commentator, I'm standing in this election because I want to fix the problems we have and help us move forward as a united Party. Together, we can win in 2020.
In short, Brexit would be economic masochism. Yet, it is the asset-rich who, for once, bare its fiercest consequences. It strikes me odd that the left don't consider this fact... Those of us who are passionate about social democracy should now very seriously consider voting for an EU exit.