Steven Spielberg's Lincoln is a spectacular movie - "less a biopic than a political thriller, a civics lesson... alive with moral energy", in the words of the New York Times review. Sitting in a preview screening in Soho Square, I cried. I couldn't help it: the story of how Lincoln pushed the Thirteenth Amendment through a divided House of Representatives in the space of just four months, thereby abolishing the institution of slavery for ever, only to be assassinated, was too moving and melodramatic for even this cynical writer to bear.
The film presents Lincoln as an eloquent and noble commander-in-chief, an intensely moral man and a champion of black America. In this sense, there is nothing new in Spielberg's depiction of 'Honest Abe.' Lincoln has long been considered the greatest ever leader of the United States; he is the Great Emancipator, Preserver of the Union, Redeemer President.
Spielberg joins a long line of Lincoln sanctifiers such as Leo Tolstoy, who breathlessly declared that "the greatness of Napoleon, Caesar or Washington is only moonlight by the sun of Lincoln." His film is based in part on the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin's biography (or hagiography?) Team of Rivals: the Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln.
But is the Hollywood take on Lincoln - emancipator of the slaves, assuager of America's racist past - the whole story? In a scathing letter to the Daily Telegraph on 12 January, the LSE historian Alan Sked wrote: "Abraham Lincoln was a racist who... had no intention of freeing slaves who freed themselves by fleeing to Unionist lines... Until the day he died, Lincoln's ideal solution to the problem of blacks was to 'colonise' them back to Africa or the tropics."
Back in 1978, the late left-wing historian Howard Zinn published his bestselling People's History of the United States, which claimed that Lincoln "set out to fight the slave states in 1861, not to end slavery, but to retain [their] enormous national territory and market and resources." Zinn quotes Lincoln at a debate in 1858, before he became president: "I am not, nor ever have been, in favour of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races... nor ever have been in favour of making voters or jurors of Negroes." In the same year, Lincoln referred to "the superior position assigned to the white race." (Zinn, incidentally, was building on the work of the African-American writer Lerone Bennet, who wrote a seminal article for Ebony magazine in 1968 entitled: "Was Abraham Lincoln a white supremacist?")
To be fair, the film makes clear that Lincoln was not an abolitionist; that role goes to the radical Pennsylvania congressman Thaddeus Stevens - played beautifully by a bombastic and bewigged Tommy Lee Jones. (Dear 20th Century Fox, please can we have a sequel to Lincoln called Thaddeus?)
Spielberg, however, glosses over Lincoln's earlier, more odious views; the moist-eyed viewer comes away with an image of him as only a lifelong foe of racists and bigots.
So how do you square these two Lincolns, the Great Racist v the Great Emancipator? First, to hold Lincoln to the standards of the 20th or 21st centuries is absurd and unjust; indeed, the slave-turned-statesman Frederick Douglass, speaking only a decade after Lincoln's death, conceded that the president may have "seemed tardy, cold, dull and indifferent" on abolishing slavery but, "measuring him by the sentiment of his country, a sentiment he was bound as a statesman to consult, he was swift, zealous, radical."
Second, as the progressive Columbia University historian Eric Foner has argued, over the course of the civil war Lincoln "displayed a remarkable capacity for moral and political growth." He may not have begun the conflict as an abolitionist but he ended it as one.
Indeed, as Lincoln wrote in April 1864, "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong." And in his last public speech, in April 1865, he called publicly for (limited) black suffrage - the first time, in Foner's words, "an American president had endorsed any political rights for blacks."
On the subject of "moral and political growth", it is difficult in this, the week of Barack Obama's inauguration, to avoid comparisons between these two presidents. Obama, like Lincoln, is a tall, skinny lawyer who served in the Illinois state legislature and ended up in the White House in part thanks to his awe-inspiring oratory. The 44th president of the United States sees himself as the heir to the 16th: Obama kicked off his first presidential campaign in 2007 in Lincoln's home town of Springfield, Illinois, on the weekend of Lincoln's birthday.
Last November, Obama held a screening of Lincoln at the White House and told Time: "Part of what Lincoln teaches us is that to pursue the highest ideals and a deeply moral cause requires you... get your hands dirty."
The problem with Obama has been that, on a host of first-term issues, ranging from the deficit and financial reform to climate change and gun control, he didn't merely fail to fight dirty - he didn't put up a fight at all. Yet the president has kicked off his second term with a much more aggressive stance on gun control after the Newtown massacre, and refusing, on the economy, to be blackmailed by Republicans over the 'fiscal cliff.' Obama has also nominated the arch-realist and Iran dove Chuck Hagel to be his defence secretary in the teeth of strong opposition from the pro-Israel lobby.
"We are still capable of great things, big things," his senior adviser Valerie Jarrett told CNN on the day of the inauguration. As Lincoln showed with the Thirteenth Amendment, it takes only a matter of months to wipe the slate clean and earn a place in the pantheon of great American leaders. America - and the world - are waiting, Mr President.
Mehdi Hasan is political director of The Huffington Post UK and a contributing writer to the New Statesman. This post also appears on the New Statesman.
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