In a new Cabinet that sees former Secretary of State for International Development Andrew Mitchell make a coveted move to Chief Whip, there is now a risk that the momentum Mitchell brought to DfID may be halted.
Mitchell has had his critics, both within government and from NGOs, but he has undoubtedly brought focus to the Department along with his view that poor countries should aim to grow their way out of poverty. He has recalibrated efforts towards helping the very poorest in society and increased transparency through his value for money and results orientated agendas. Other notable achievements on Mitchell's watch include the establishment of the Independent Commission for Aid Impact and the creation of a new department within DFID aimed at private sector engagement. It could well be the steel Mitchell showed in maintaining the government's commitment to 0.7% GNP spending on aid and his defence of the department's ring-fenced budget that proved attractive to David Cameron, who is seeking to mollify disquiet on the Tory backbenches.
With Justine Greening now at DfID it is unlikely there will be an ideological change in the prominence that economic growth strategies will play in addressing global poverty. Without question, there is a role for growth-focused development. The movement out of poverty for millions of people over the last decade is closely linked to phenomenal rates of growth in China, many other parts of Asia, and Africa. But such growth has come at a cost, in terms of carbon emissions and other forms of industrial pollution, as well as harsh labour conditions.
The International Labour Organisation, in their latest estimate, put the number of people working in 'forced labour' at 21 million, 74% of which takes place in Asia and Africa. Modern slavery may not involve literal chains but the shocking rates of those in forced labour is compounded by the conditions faced by millions of other workers, conditions which the UK began to legislate against at home more than 150 years ago with the first Factory Acts of the Industrial Revolution. The key challenge for Greening, therefore, will be to ensure future growth in the poorest parts of the world is both environmentally sustainable and morally acceptable.
A good starting point for the new Secretary of State will be to pick up the aspirations of the UN Rio +20 Earth Summit of June this year, to develop a new set of sustainable development goals, and work closely with the Prime Minister as he co-chairs a high-level UN panel on the post Millennium Development Goals framework. The aim should be to ensure the avoidance of parallel processes and the achievement of a new development paradigm that has sustainability at its heart.
Greening's move to Secretary of State for International Development may have been driven by a desire to eliminate impediments to a third runway at Heathrow, but her demonstrated ability to fight a corner will be of great use. The department's ring-fenced budget is likely to be now both besieged and directly attacked as austerity measures invite increasing unpopularity with election timetables drawing closer. Greening has proved she can stick to her guns regarding aviation policy and it is hoped that such strength can now be applied to her new brief.
It has never been easy to address issues of global poverty. Genuine solutions require long-term commitment and courage in making domestically unpopular decisions. Greening, it appears, could well have what it takes to make a meaningful impact on the lives of the poorest people in the world. In addition, she need not face these challenges alone. Working through the United Nations can help achieve international political consensus on development priorities and strategic implementation through agencies and programmes. The new Minister would therefore do well to seek early appointments in New York and Geneva so that she can quickly develop her understanding of the tasks ahead and the opportunities the UN brings to address them.
Ruth Messinger: What We Can Learn From the Developing World to Help Us Fight Poverty at Home
Kathleen Spencer Chapman: What Does the Reshuffle Mean for Developing Countries?
Iain Anderson: All Change, but No Change
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One of the eight organisations that are signatories to the letter is UNAUK.
Sadly, I don't think any quick fix policies will make a difference - it would just provide a bandaid on a wound requiring stitches. What is required is a realization of the root cause of our illness - 'self concern'.
Here, evolutionary biologist Dr Sahtouris describes how humanity is coming into a 'mature' phase of a cycle - based on collaboration http://goo.gl/Kv5RG
Conflict resolution is much harder than giving material aid. But the very intractable 64-yr conflict in Sri Lanka can only be resolved by third parties:
An Ideology of Reconciliation Cannot be Built Without Basic Ingredients of Democracy and Rule of Law, Dr. Deepika Udagama (Head, Department of Law, University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka), 15 August 2012, http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/archives/9627#more-9627
Bishop of Mannar pointed to a discrepancy of nearly 149,000 in the government figures of population in August 2008 and the number of people who emerged from the battle zone (after a war without witnesses) in May 2009. The people who emerged told stories of how the people on the ground unable to move were begging them to carry them away. Some who refused help are going mad at the fact that ICRC was not allowed to go into the war zone after the people emerged on 19 May 2009.
1.UNAUK has been talking about R2P for many countries, leaving out Sri Lanka.
2.When Gareth Evans as former President of International Crisis Group mentioned R2P for Sri Lanka he was vilified atrociously by government ministers.
3.http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/crises/crisis-in-sri-lanka
Sri Lanka: ICRC closes its offices in the north, 25 March 2011:
Colombo (ICRC) – The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has closed its office in Vavuniya after the Sri Lankan government requested the organization to run its operations exclusively from Colombo. Vavuniya was the last ICRC office in the north of the country, as the office in Jaffna had already closed at the end of February.
http://transcurrents.com/tc/2010/03/no_funds_to_meet_needs_of_near.html/
No funds to meet needs of nearly 200,000 Northern IDPs due to govt refusal to endorse 2010 action plan, 13 March 2010: ''The funding crisis follows the government’s refusal to endorse the 2010 Common Humanitarian Action Plan (CHAP)…. ''
http://icar.gmu.edu/Newsletters/v4_3_ICARNewsletterApril10.pdfA
Framework for Rebuilding Communities in Sri Lanka, April 2010:
''There is no running water or proper sanitation, resulting in a number of cases of Dengue fever. Additionally, there is a severe food shortage, and a lack of clean drinking water.''
''Civil war in Sri Lanka cannot be understood without the attention to external development flows.''
Disaster Response, Peace and Conflict in Post-Tsunami Sri Lanka, Simon Harris, February 2006(University of Bradford, UK):'' Had international humanitarian interventions understood the dynamics of conflict and the role of assistance in informing such relationships, they might actually have helped contribute to peace building by tackling the underlying structures and root causes, or more minimally, by at least not making situations worse.''
srilankabrief.org/p/upr-sri-lanka-2012.html
The Sri Lankan government has been refusing to hold elections for the Northern Province even forty months after the ar was over though it conducted early elections for Eastern (not due till 2014), North-Central and Sabaragamuwa (not due till 2015) Provincial councils:
''The 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution is something that has not been implemented for over two decades, despite it being a part of the constitution. I don't understand why the government is hesitating to hold elections in the North, since they have already conducted the regional council elections in the province'' - '13th Amendment is irredeemable' - Constitutional expert (incidentally a Sinhalese), 17 June 2012:, http://www.jdslanka.org/index.php/2012-01-30-09-31-03/politics-a-social-issues/2-13th-amendment-is-irredeemable
''If General and Presidential Elections can be held in the North and the East it is impossible to argue that the Northern Provincial Council's elections need to be delayed any further. I would also respectfully submit that the frustrations experienced by the elected Chief Minister of the Eastern Province - incidentally an ethnic Tamil, in relation to the unelected Governor – incidentally a retired Sinhala Military Officer should not be allowed to be repeated in the North, if devolution is to be meaningful, and indeed such issues should be resolved, in the East'' - Submission by Harim Pieris to LLRC, 2010
Those who seek to do developmental work in the north point out that they have to travel all the way to Colombo, sometimes on several occasions, to get the necessary approval for work to be done in the north. Sometimes those they deal with in the Presidential Task Force are ignorant of the ground situation in the specific locality in which the work is going to be done. Sometimes when the reality of the situation is explained to them, they are prepared to change their minds. But it takes a lot of meetings with them, and lot of travel to Colombo, to make this happen. The irony of these situations is that the government is not providing the money for the work to be done. This money comes from international donors for the rehabilitation of the people of the north. But decision makers in Colombo decide what should be done without reference to the wishes of the people of the area’’ - National Peace Council of Sri Lanka, 25 June 2012
‘’The macro-economic decisions that the government makes in terms of developments in the north are not made with the participation of the people or their representatives. This is a major problem and cause for resentment. There is often no consultation with the people. Where there is consultation, the decisions made can benefit the people even more, and be more fully accepted by the people. An example would be the Presidential Task Force for Northern Development. This governmental regulatory body is located in Colombo and is virtually all Sinhalese in its ethnic composition, even though most of the people in the north are Tamil. Several of its members are retired military officers.''
- National Peace Council of Sri Lanka, 25 June 2012