Just a few weeks ago millions of Egyptians armed with face paint and posters demanded a secular, liberal constitution in Egypt that guards human rights and repels authoritarianism. Sadly, in the ecstasy of their triumph it appears they have conveniently forgotten the reasons why they took to Tahrir on the 30th June. Their aspirational causes are completely undermined by the atrocious violations of human rights afforded to their political opponents.
Bassem Youssef, a witty, brave and ruthless critic of Morsi and a talismanic figure of the anti-Morsi movement wrote recently of his dismay seeing this victory sour. He claims his fellow liberals, on winning back their nation, 'lost their humanity'.
The government of the Muslim Brotherhood was incompetent, domineering and nepotistic. The unconsolidated democratic institutions that they wished to control were saved when Morsi was ousted. However, the treatment of generally law abiding Brotherhood officials and members at the hands of the military is brutal, unjust and most strikingly anti-revolutionary.
Gossip whether it's fabricated or not gives room for different factions to manipulate past events and demonize their counterparts accordingly. Yet spinning the wanton shooting of 53 protesting Muslim Brotherhood members is tricky to say the least. Nevertheless the liberals have done a fantastic job. Stories that alcohol was found in Brotherhood tents after the shooting are popular, and rumors that the angelic army were 'forced' to defend themselves are recited regularly despite only one military fatality are regularly recited.
The power of spin has created countless paradoxes in the liberal Egyptian worldview. For instance, the liberals chant against Obama and criticize him vehemently. Meanwhile they fanatically support their military, which his administration funds entirely.
What actually happens is not important in Cairo, what is believed by people is paramount.
The justifications for the opinions liberal Egyptians' take on recent events are becoming more scandalous every day. The deaths of 50 citizens have to be mourned by a people, not overtly ignored. The human rights that ant-Morsi protesters fought for have to be applied to the losers of the revolution too. The widespread institutional victimization of Brotherhood loyalists is diabolically hypocritical. As Youssef wrote: 'We are now repeating the Brotherhood's same mistakes. It's as though we have the memory span of a goldfish.'
However it is not only the ideological coherency of Egyptian liberals at stake; the ongoing humiliation and reckless crackdown on Morsi loyalists is likely to only intensify the conflict, deepen divisions and isolate and provoke a significant political faction that must be included for stability to return.
The new generally liberal government and their supporters shout from the scorching Cairo rooftops claiming that they want dialogue and reconciliation. They want to 'reach out' to the people they recently booted from office into jail. This graciousness is all too easy and therefore meaningless and rather patronising.
The 'Revolutionary democratic coup' was genuinely inspiring and was misunderstood by most in the West. However if those who instigated the Revolution want to reconstruct the ancient pinnacle of the Arab world, they'll have to make their victory more inclusive. The new Egypt with all its prophesized rights and prosperity must be accessible to all of its population not just the 'victors' of 2013.