UN and Syrian Arab Red Crescent: A UN-Holy Alliance?

Many Syrians I spoke to on a recent visit to Syria hold the UN partially responsible for the deaths of 70, 000 lives in the unfolding humanitarian disaster that is wracking the country. There is an impression that the UN is propping up the regime by working and delivering aid via the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC).
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Many Syrians I spoke to on a recent visit to Syria hold the UN partially responsible for the deaths of 70, 000 lives in the unfolding humanitarian disaster that is wracking the country. There is an impression that the UN is propping up the regime by working and delivering aid via the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC). In a recent interview with Mr. Walid Saffour, the UK representative for the Syrian National Coalition, he told me that the way the UN was dealing with the regime was "absolutely unfair... they don't deal with both sides on an equal footing". While some may dismiss this as the grumblings of the opposition or mere conspiracy theories, the close links between the SARC and the regime makes any aid delivered by the UN via SARC appear partisan. Moreover it is made worse by the UN not being able to guarantee that aid really reaches its beneficiaries. The fact that British charities are going down the same path is alarming.

As early as 2012 David Kenner in Foreign Policy said that the Union of Syrian Medical Relief Organizations (UOSSM) warned that international aid was being confiscated by the Assad regime. In fact, David Kenner asserts that top brass of SARC is filled by figures close to the regime. Take for example the head of SARC, Dr. Abdulrahman Attar, a wealthy businessman who according Kjetil Selvik in Business Politics in the Middle East, is described as a "crony capitalist". He is a product of the union of the regime and industry engineered by Badr al-Din Shallah between the years 1979-1982. It resulted in an economic system which Professor Bassam Haddad describes as a crony capitalist state par excellance. In such a system only those with close ties to the regime succeed. Unsurprisingly, when the regime liberalized the economy in the 1990s tycoons like Attar, Tlass and Shallah capitalized on this special relationship.

The relationship between Attar and the Syrian regime has lead to a spectacular rise in fortunes. It has allowed him to have interests in pharmaceuticals, insurance, banking, tourism and agriculture, as well as holding the presidency of the Syrian Chamber of Commerce. According to Attar groups' very own website it represents the interests of multinational pharmaceuticals like Novartis and Roche to mention only two, and has interests in all the banks in Syria including Banque Bemo, Audi Bank, Syrian & Gulf Bank, United Insurance Company and International Money Exchange Company. In tourism it represents Carlton, in the aviation sector Alitalia, in IT and telecommunications Ericsson, Sony and IBM, need I go on? Anyone who has lived in Syria for long enough will tell you that this sort of success cannot be achieved by hard graft alone. It is safe to say that the links between Attar and Assad are to say the least intimate.

So intimate in fact that Joseph Sweid, the Minister of State for the Syrian Arab Red Crescent Affairs, told Syria's official news agency (SANA) that SARC is linked to the Syrian prime ministry. SARC is then, no ordinary non-governmental organisation. It is not surprising that prominent members of the Syrian diaspora have stated in the Canadian houses of parliament that Attar has allowed some of his properties to be used as detention centers for the Assad regime.

Speaking to Andrej Mahecic, one of UNHCR's communications coordinators about the issue he responded by saying that the UN "has a purely humanitarian mandate and do not have a political agenda... the key for us is to deliver aid to all vulnerable populations that is why we appeal to all sides to enable humanitarian access to reach all populations in need". There has certainly been an improvement in the fact that aid is now being delivered to all the governates in Syria including the northern parts, however, whilst recognizing that aid delivery is difficult and complex does it mean that the UN should work with an NGO whose head is in bed with the regime? How can one ensure that aid actually reaches its beneficiaries since there are not enough monitors on the ground as UNICEF has admitted in the past? How can one ensure that aid is not being redirected by an organization that is populated by pro-regime management? What guarantees do we have that Dr. Attar is distributing aid fairly when US officials have long suspected him for being a front man for circumventing international embargoes? How do we know that SARC isn't just tricking the UN since it is so close to the prime ministry?

Moreover, if effective aid delivery cannot be checked where is it going to? Is it supplementing the ailing Syrian economy? Fuelling the thriving Syrian black market? Or is it helping regime thugs, the Shabiha? Can we be sure that aid isn't fuelling sadistic Shabiha who activists told me insert live rodents inside Syrian women as a method of torture? It is scandalous to think that well intentioned donations might inadvertently be propping up a blood thirsty regime.

Whilst the UN rolls off statistics and sugary rhetoric about the human tragedy in Syria it owes donors a duty to make sure that aid reaches its intended beneficiaries. A one-sided aid delivery model is unconstructive and reinforces the notion that the West is yet again conspiring against Syria. It is high time for a more robust aid delivery involving better checks, working closely with Syrian diaspora charities, cross border aid delivery as advocated by the likes of Doctors Without Borders. The worry now is that the DEC British charities whilst well intentioned will go down the same route as the UN and possibly be hoodwinked by the regime yet again and prolong the conflict.

The Syrian Refugee Crisis in Photos
Refugee Hajji Ahmed from Idlib(01 of15)
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Syrian refugees are facing considerable hardship no less from the security services. Whilst Hajji Ahmed insisted on being photographed his son refused to be photographed in case his extended family inside Idleb would be targeted by the regime.
Unofficial Refugees on Syrian-Turkish Border(02 of15)
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This camp is literally on the Syrian border. The refugees were farmers driven out by the regime. They hope that by being close to the border they will not be bombed. They have seen no aid arrive from the UN or across the border despite the fact that they are forty minutes away by foot.
Yamadiya Hospital (Right)(03 of15)
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Five hundred meters from the camp there is a hospital that have to be camouflaged because they get bombed. One of the doctors told me that they have received no aid apart from the Syrian diaspora community and Gulf benefactors. They are disappointed with the UN's efforts.
The University of Revolution(04 of15)
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Despite the hardship Nooreddin refuses to leave his homeland. He is extremely proud of his son who fights for the FSA. His son is only seventeen years old and was just about to sit his exams. Nooreddin believes that his son fighting the regime is better than any university degree.
Shells(05 of15)
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In one village we counted forty shells fall in one day. The regime collectively punishes people for rejecting their authority. The idea that both sides are equally matched is a myth.
Fuel is a Problem in Lattakia (06 of15)
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4 March 2013 (IRIN) - Residents of Syrian towns that have run out of heating oil say they are getting sick after resorting to burning crude oil to keep warm. Two years on fuel is widely unavailable, in the mountains of Lattakia it can get bitterly cold.
Surprising Resiliance(07 of15)
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Speak to the children and they all know why their brothers and fathers are fighting the regime. I met one girl who had already been taught how to use a gun in case the house was attacked by Shabiha; the girl was only six years old. When taking photos of children in Syria you always have to worry about who their immediate relatives are in case the regime kills them. Permission has been taken to publish these photos.
Broken Homes(08 of15)
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The use of shells, helicopters and dropping barrels filled with TNT devastates families. According to Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) there are over 3 million internally displaced persons in Syria.
Fridays are Dangerous(09 of15)
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The regime targets mosques on Fridays to prevent people from demonstrating against them. According to the inhabitants of Dwerkeh the regime has targeted this minaret several times but has failed to destroy it.
Breakfast and Bombs(10 of15)
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I am still amazed at Abu Khalil's family preferring to die under shelling free than to be killed by Shabiha , regime militia, in Lattakia city. The family showed remarkable courage.
TNT Baramils(11 of15)
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TNT Barrels dropped by Syrian helicopters are capable of taking down one six story house. One soldier I met who made these barrels said that Iranian and Russians were helping to make these Baramils.
Cluster Bombs(13 of15)
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There has been allegations of using cluster bombs. It was suggested that this was one such example.
The Resilience of Children(14 of15)
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War Child teams visit the growing number of Syrian families fleeing the fighting to find children who may need help but there are still many children who do not receive the support that they deserve.
Syrians are Still Defiant(15 of15)
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Despite the war many Syrians still support the FSA. It is common to see armbands, clothing and flags proclaiming their support for the uprising.